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- By Christopher Cooper
- 08 Mar 2026
This allegation represents a grave matter: suggesting Rachel Reeves has deceived Britons, scaring them into accepting massive additional taxes that would be spent on higher benefits. While hyperbolic, this is not usual political bickering; on this occasion, the stakes are higher. A week ago, detractors of Reeves and Keir Starmer had been labeling their budget "uncoordinated". Now, it's branded as lies, with Kemi Badenoch demanding the chancellor's resignation.
Such a grave accusation requires straightforward answers, therefore here is my assessment. Did the chancellor tell lies? On the available information, no. She told no major untruths. But, despite Starmer's recent remarks, that doesn't mean there is no issue here and we should move on. Reeves did mislead the public regarding the considerations informing her choices. Was this all to channel cash to "benefits street", like the Tories claim? Certainly not, and the numbers prove this.
The Chancellor has taken a further hit to her reputation, however, should facts still matter in politics, Badenoch ought to call off her lynch mob. Maybe the resignation yesterday of OBR head, Richard Hughes, over the leak of its internal documents will satisfy SW1's appetite for scandal.
But the real story is much more unusual compared to media reports indicate, extending wider and further than the political futures of Starmer and his class of '24. Fundamentally, this is an account concerning what degree of influence you and I get in the governance of our own country. And it concern you.
After the OBR released recently some of the forecasts it provided to Reeves as she prepared the red book, the surprise was immediate. Not merely has the OBR never done such a thing before (an "rare action"), its numbers apparently contradicted Reeves's statements. Even as rumors from Westminster were about the grim nature of the budget was going to be, the watchdog's predictions were getting better.
Take the Treasury's most "unbreakable" fiscal rule, that by 2030 day-to-day spending on hospitals, schools, and the rest must be completely funded by taxes: at the end of October, the OBR calculated it would just about be met, albeit only by a tiny margin.
A few days later, Reeves held a media briefing so extraordinary that it caused breakfast TV to break from its usual fare. Weeks before the real budget, the country was warned: taxes were going up, and the main reason being gloomy numbers provided by the OBR, in particular its finding that the UK had become less efficient, putting more in but getting less out.
And lo! It came to pass. Despite what Telegraph editorials combined with Tory media appearances implied over the weekend, that is basically what transpired at the budget, that proved to be big and painful and bleak.
The way in which Reeves deceived us concerned her justification, since those OBR forecasts did not force her hand. She might have chosen different options; she might have given other reasons, even on budget day itself. Prior to last year's election, Starmer promised exactly such people power. "The hope of democracy. The strength of the vote. The potential for national renewal."
A year on, and it's a lack of agency that is evident in Reeves's breakfast speech. Our first Labour chancellor for a decade and a half casts herself as a technocrat buffeted by forces beyond her control: "Given the circumstances of the persistent challenges on our productivity … any chancellor of any political stripe would be standing here today, confronting the decisions that I face."
She certainly make a choice, just not the kind Labour cares to broadcast. Starting April 2029 British workers as well as businesses will be paying an additional £26bn annually in taxes – and most of that will not be funding better hospitals, new libraries, nor enhanced wellbeing. Regardless of what bilge is spouted by Nigel Farage, Badenoch and others, it isn't being lavished upon "benefits street".
Rather than going on services, more than 50% of the extra cash will instead provide Reeves cushion against her own fiscal rules. About 25% is allocated to paying for the administration's policy reversals. Reviewing the OBR's calculations and giving maximum benefit of the doubt to Reeves, a mere 17% of the taxes will fund actual new spending, such as abolishing the limit on child benefit. Its abolition "costs" the Treasury a mere £2.5bn, as it was always a bit of political theatre from George Osborne. A Labour government should have abolished it immediately upon taking office.
The Tories, Reform along with the entire right-wing media have spent days barking about how Reeves fits the caricature of left-wing finance ministers, soaking strivers to spend on shirkers. Party MPs are applauding her budget for being balm for their social concerns, protecting the disadvantaged. Each group could be 180-degrees wrong: Reeves's budget was largely aimed at asset managers, hedge funds and participants within the bond markets.
Downing Street could present a compelling argument in its defence. The forecasts provided by the OBR were deemed insufficient to feel secure, especially considering bond investors charge the UK the greatest borrowing cost of all G7 developed nations – higher than France, that recently lost a prime minister, and exceeding Japan which has way more debt. Combined with our policies to cap fuel bills, prescription charges and train fares, Starmer and Reeves argue their plan allows the Bank of England to reduce interest rates.
It's understandable why those wearing Labour badges may choose not to couch it this way next time they visit the doorstep. According to one independent adviser for Downing Street says, Reeves has effectively "weaponised" financial markets as an instrument of control over her own party and the voters. This is the reason Reeves cannot resign, no matter what pledges she breaks. It is also why Labour MPs will have to knuckle down and vote that cut billions from social security, just as Starmer promised recently.
What's missing from this is any sense of strategic governance, of mobilising the finance ministry and the central bank to forge a fresh understanding with markets. Missing too is innate understanding of voters,
Elara is a seasoned writer and digital storyteller with a passion for exploring diverse literary genres and empowering others through words.